Hurricane Katrina is the latest and most dramatic reminder that we are a nation of contradictions and divisions.

Many of New Orleans' citizens - predominantly poor and black - could not escape the hurricane's impact. Much of the commentary in the press has focused on how we should face up to the gap between the "haves" and "have nots" in our society. A strong economy, with continuing growth and low unemployment, is cold comfort to the 37 million Americans who live below the poverty line. That is a 17 percent increase over the past five years.

Just more than 50 percent of the nation's income goes to the top 20 percent of families, while median household incomes have remained flat for five straight years. While we have the most advanced medical science in the world, 45.8 million people - close to 16 percent of the population - lack health insurance. By several key standards, we stack up poorly against the rest of the world. Our infant mortality rate does not even rank in the top sixth globally, lagging behind Cuba, not to mention France and Singapore. Moreover, we rank 48th in life expectancy, behind such countries as Japan, Germany and Jordan.

Education also presents a paradox. We boast many of the most prestigious universities in the world, yet much of our public school system - particularly in inner cities - is in disrepair. Among the top-20 developed nations, we rank 16th in the percentage of our students who graduate from high school. Students in India and China are increasingly outperforming their American counterparts.

The devastation and chaos on the Gulf Coast has forced Americans to confront some of these deficiencies. But the most glaring shortcoming - the one with the greatest promise for solving the others - has yet to get the attention it deserves: our democracy deficit. Too many Americans are opting out of the political process. That goes most of all for the poor and the young, who should be participating in the political system in order to make it more responsive to their needs and futures.

It is ironic that the United States would be deficient in this regard. After all, this country was the first modern democracy and has gone to war for the ideal of self-governance.

But a democracy is only vibrant if it is truly and comprehensively participatory and America scores poorly in this regard. Like other statistics - on poverty levels, income disparities, child mortality and life expectancy - the low numbers for our performance in voter turnout undercut our national strength.

The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance rates 138 nations with superior voter turnout to the United States. They include countries as disparate as Mongolia (82 percent), Spain (77 percent) and Venezuela (72 percent).

In fact, our low national voter turnout understates the problem. American civic participation in general and voter turnout in particular are even worse among the young, the poor and those with limited education - and more so when these categories overlap. Citizens who are 18-24 years old who are not in school are substantially less likely to vote than students. Affluent voters turn out in greater numbers and have access to better polling stations than those less fortunate.

By contrast, during India's nationwide election last year, with an overall voter turnout of 56 percent, the surprise victory of the opposition party was largely attributed to the votes of the rural poor. India's benefits from a flourishing global economy could not save a government whose policies had little positive effect on the quarter of the nation's population who still live in abject poverty.

Our nation's political divide remains both a source and a symptom of the larger problem. Democracy depends on elected leaders facing accountability at the ballot box. When many Americans do not participate in the process, our leaders and policies tend to discount the interests of those who do not vote. The result is a vicious cycle: the interests of the disaffected can more easily be ignored without political consequence, which further marginalizes and alienates the non-voters.

Katrina was a natural disaster, but political breakdowns and policy failures intensified the consequences. The government failed those who, at a time of crisis, most needed help. The immediate challenge is to rebuild and fortify one city's infrastructure. But in the long term, we must repair a national divide by reconnecting our most vulnerable citizens to the political process, so when the next storm hits, the structure will hold.

Devin Talbott is co-founder and chairman of Generation Engage, a grassroots youth civic engagement effort.